ARTEMIO DE VALLE ARIZPE PDF - View credits, reviews, tracks and shop for the Vinyl release of Artemio De Valle Arizpe on Discogs. Explore. Artemio de Valle-Arizpe y su visión del México colonial by. Dolores E Rangel ( review). Brian L. Price. Revista de Estudios Hispánicos, Tomo XLVII, Número 2. Artemio del Valle Arizpe No. 16, Piso 2. Col. Del Valle, Del. Benito Juárez. Ciudad de México México. Customer Service Telephone: 01

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    Artemio De Valle Arizpe Pdf

    PDF | This paper presents an extension of a state-space model for a Artemio de Valle-Arizpe (Saltillo, – Ciudad de México, ). The categories of this image should be checked. Check them now! Remove redundant categories and try to put this image in the most specific. Read Online · Download PDF; Save; Cite this Item ARTEMIO DE VALLE-ARIZPE.

    This chapter does not intend to tackle such a problem of definition, but rather to reflect on the possible ways in which the production, exchange, and consumption of one specific commodity—cotton textiles—came to influence vast areas of the world. We ask why and how cotton textiles became a textile fabric used across the globe, reaching out of the sphere of the Indian Ocean that for centuries had been the cradle but also fixed the outer boundaries of the pen- etration of this fibre across the globe. It argues that the globalization of cotton textiles should be explained also in the light of a shift of its manufacturing core from Asia to Europe and considers the process of reinterpretation that cotton 1 Kevin H. To claim that European or better to say British cotton textiles became a global commodity, while their Indian antecedents did not, is to ignore that the very definition and material form of cotton textiles at the end of the eighteenth century was different from what it had been just a century earlier. It was not just a matter of selling more of the same stuff across a larger area of the globe, it was also the case of physi- cally and conceptually reshaping this commodity to make it a successful global product, appreciated not just in European markets but also in North and South America and in Africa. The Indian Ocean was a vast expanse from the Horn of Africa to Japan and South-East Asia where cotton textiles were widely exchanged for spices and other products. India had emerged already in the early part of the millennium as the geographical area that could boast better products, sophisticated mercantile techniques, and a higher productivity that ensured competitiveness in most markets of the sphere. Europe, conversely, was a sphere dominated by the double system of linen and woollens, though the latter had a much more profound mercantile importance than the former. Different regions of the continent acquired strong specializa- tions in the production of woollen textiles, such as the municipalities of Italy or several regions of England. In due course the European sphere of wool expanded over the Atlantic to incorporate North and South America, but showed insurmountable difficulties in expanding eastwards beyond the borders of Anatolia. Woollen and worsted textiles never became global fabrics.

    The New Mexican Cook does not provide additional information in regard to when or how clemoles or moles were served, but it emphasized its indigenous origin and regional variations. This diversity could be found in other nineteenth-century cookbooks like La cocinera poblana The Puebla Cook , published in , which was a compilation of recipes by Spanish immigrant Narciso Bassols Pilcher , Although The Puebla Cook included sixty-six recipes of mole, including pipian, clemole, and manchamanteles tablecloth-stainer , it gave particular importance to its local version: mole poblano.

    In a couple of mole recipes, Bassols acknowledged the name of the cook who shared the recipe with him. He mentioned Ms.

    Petronila or nana nanny Chepa as some of his informants. Bassols , He also included recipes of more indigenous varieties of mole like green mole, yellow mole, and clemoles. These nineteenth-century cookbooks describe mole as a sauce or light broth pre- pared with chilies, tomatoes, nuts, and seeds. Recipes were circumscribed to the central part of Mexico and varied in their ingredients depending on the region as well as in their complexity according to the occasion. Nevertheless Puebla mole gained prevalence in part due to its elaborate process and its number of ingredients, which included: mulato, pasilla, and ancho chilies; several spices like cinnamon, cloves, aniseed, pepper as well as sesame seeds, almonds, and tomato.

    Indeed most moles, clemoles, and pipianes had fewer ingredients than the Puebla version. Incorporating mole in cookbooks devoted to middle- and upper-class families accounts for its presence in wealthy kitchens, but at elite tables mole was usually reserved for domestic occasions Pilcher , The status of mole began to change after the revolution, but in the early twentieth century mole was still seen as a low-status dish.

    Alejandro Pardo stated in his cookbook that mole was a common dish among peasants. However, it was a discussion among male writers and intellectuals that transformed the narrative about mole and enthroned its Puebla version as a symbol of mestizaje and therefore the nation.

    In , Carlos de Gante, a lawyer and writer, published an article in Excelsior newspaper popularizing the story of mole poblano as the creation of conventual cuisine.

    Another legend claims that a friar named Pascual accidentally spilled the spice tray into a pot, creating what we know as mole.

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    In all these instances, mole was portrayed as a colonial invention, originating in a Puebla convent; in the version of Fray Pascual, mole was even a product of an accident. Valle argued that mole clearly had indigenous roots and developed throughout the centuries. Mole, for Valle, was not created by accident or by an inspired or experienced colonial nun. Moreover, having the ability to prepare a good mole was a source of pride and respect for women across class and race.

    However, in several states of northern and southern Mexico, mole was not known. For example, even in the early s, Juan Pablo Huerta Rivera shows that people from the northern state of Baja California did not cook or eat mole Yet at the same time, Enrique, a history S.

    This reveals that mole was not a widespread dish, as it was not known in northern Mexico. Cookbooks also show that most mole recipes come from central Mexico. Portraying Puebla mole as the symbol of Mexican identity reinforced the idea that Mexico is a nation formed by Spaniards and indigenous peoples, but this understanding makes reference to a particular group of indigenous peoples: those who were part of pre- Columbian civilizations.

    In doing so, contemporary indigenous peoples and rebel groups like the Apache in the north and the Mayas in the south were marginalized.

    Mestizos were not only the descendants of Spaniards and Indians, but also those who had assimilated, who learned Spanish, who wore shoes and Westernized clothing, who sat at a table, ate with fork and knife, and who prepared and cooked mole. For others, mole was a dish crafted throughout centuries by indigenous hands. In both cases, mole was seen as present in every table across class and thus a mythical cornerstone of what Vasconcelos called the cosmic race.

    The cosmic race sat at the table In the middle of the twentieth century, mole recipes became more prevalent in cookbooks. Mole, particularly in its Puebla version, continued to be the most common recipe, but moles from other regions were also included.

    Cookbooks portrayed mole as a dish that all Mexicans ate, albeit in their regional versions. However, they also stressed that women from all social classes need to know how to prepare it, which points to its value as a symbol of national identity. She was born in in the city of Queretaro, located miles away from Mexico City. In , she became a cooking and baking instructor in Queretaro, and in she started teaching in Aguascalientes and then became director of the Federal Industrial School.

    This cookbook is con- sidered the pillar of the working-class and peasant diet, as most cookbooks before were aimed at middle- and upper-class families. Her recipe of Puebla mole included sixteen ingredients, whereas green mole had seven ingredients, and black mole had thirteen ingredients. Puebla mole called for more ingredients and reproduced medieval Spanish cooking in its use of spices. Peasant and working-class women had to know that the food they ate was respectable, and thus worthy of any table.

    She published more than cookbooks between and Pilcher , Her cookbooks portrayed mole as a dish of indigenous roots that was transformed by Spanish cooking. In this cookbook, as well as her subsequent S. In her cookbook of regional dishes, she included moles from Michoacan, Morelos, Puebla, and Oaxaca.

    Incorporating local and indigenous ingredients as well as several recipes of mole revealed a richer and complex view on Mexican cuisine and identity. These dishes had been cooked for centuries in rural areas, particularly in Oaxaca, but now they were incorporated into the repertoire of Mexican cuisine.

    Finding local ingredients like the cuicateco chili was certainly not easy and having certain recipes in cookbooks does not account for the consumption of these dishes beyond their places of origin. Cookbooks, like Regional Dishes, generated a sense of unity across Mexicans, particularly within middle-class households that could acquire them. Now women from the northern state of Chihuahua could prepare their version of Oaxaca mole and learn about culinary traditions at the other end of the country.

    She described ingre- dients and techniques and included a narrative that is not present in most of her cookbooks. At that time, authors would write short prologues in which they frequently highlighted that learning how to cook would keep their family happy and healthy.

    Women were responsible for feeding their family, so, depending on their economic status, they had to either be able to cook by themselves or provide instructions to their domestic servants. It could be argued that she made that point to appeal to the American audience, who thought that European culture was superior to Mexican or indigenous practices.

    Nevertheless, the idea that European culture represented the civilizing factor correlated with understandings of mestizaje. Mexican customs and their spirit, according to this narrative, resulted from a mix of indigenous and European culture, but this latter dominated and became the civilizing factor.

    The European aspect of Mexican cuisine works as a bridge to connect with her audience in the United States. She pointed out that Spanish conquest brought a new cooking tradition that was preserved in convents by nuns who prepared food delicacies and pastries. Indigenous culinary tradition was not seen as valuable enough to appeal to American housewives. Although mole is presented as a dish known by the Aztecs, it was transformed and improved by colonial culture.

    In the last part of her Mexican Cook Book, she incorpo- rated a chapter on regional recipes. Therefore, mole was not a peasant food any longer as Pardo had argued almost thirty years ago; now, it was a dish prepared for the elite, a meal created to satisfy the most sophisticated palates.

    Thus, mole was de-Indianized and portrayed as an elegant meal worthy of upper-middle-class and upper-class households in Mexico and beyond. Mole was associated with European culture, an aspect that the discourse of mestizaje highlighted too. She came from a prosperous family. She married the son of a wealthy Lebanese family of merchants, Antonio Harp Abud.

    Presenting mole as a colonial dish allowed it to be seen as respectable dish worthy of upper-class tables. Mole stopped being an indigenous or peasant meal and became a sophisticated recipe created by creole women who dedicated their life to serve God and satisfy the exigent palates of viceroys and bishops. Therefore, by eating mole, working and peasant families would become respectable.

    The lower sectors of the population could feel proud about serving mole at their celebrations. Meanwhile, middle- and upper-class families embraced mole as a colonial dish and could feel like the viceroys and bishops who enjoyed this delicacy.

    In any case, all sectors of the population could seat at the national table and savor mestizaje in every mouthful of mole. However, grinding by hand made cooking mole a time-consuming endeavor. Before, women would grind all the ingredients in the metate three-legged grinding stone. Still, women had to know which ingredients to mix and its quantities.

    With the help of the blender, however, women could prepare mole more frequently and add more elaborate recipes, such as Puebla or Oaxaca mole, to their daily repertoire.

    She described the use of pressure cookers, ovens, mixers, and blenders. She claimed that Birtman blenders made it possible to cook complex dishes such as those prepared by nuns in colonial convents in less time. Another image, which precedes the turkey mole recipe, depicts a grandmother who is looking from above, and thus we assume she has passed away.

    She is giving her granddaughter the written recipe of mole, but the modern chef, instead of grinding ingredients by hand in a metate, uses a blender, which facilitates the preparation of such a labor-intensive dish. Moreover, pre- senting the metate as backward, and electrical appliances as modern, reinforced the superiority of Western culture ingrained in the discourse of mestizaje. How to Cook Using Modern Appliances portrayed indigenous culture in a negative way by identifying peasant women with lack of sanitation.

    Figure two shows an old, fat, and untidy woman using her hands to mix ingredients while a well-groomed cook pushes a button without touching the mixture. This image reveals social and Figure 1. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico City.

    The old woman looks shorter and is dressed with simple clothing, similar to what peasant women of indigenous backgrounds would wear. Meanwhile the woman dressed as a professional cook towers over her and even looks happier and well rested. She is not touching the dough while the peasant women mixes the dough with one hand while she scratches her head with the other hand. In contrast, those who used modern appliances had knowledge about hygiene and money to buy this new technology.

    Using electrical appliances, accord- ing to this cookbook, facilitated cooking, and thus women were less tired, could do more sophisticated meals and more housework, and better welcome their husbands or guests. The use of modern appliances came to symbolize progress, moving away from communal preparation of mole or tamales reserved for special occasions to preparing these time-consum- ing meals by an individual woman in a shorter period of time.

    Through the acquisition of domestic technology and knowledge about how to use it, Mexican women were going to be like their peers in the Western world. Mestizaje con- tinued to be an acculturation, but in the s and s it moved away from Europe to the United States. Women were in charge of this acculturation within the home. Mixed-race Mexican women would become modern and hence whiten themselves and their families by embracing modern technology. However, the industry tried to introduce new dishes that were perceived as modern because they were produced by new domes- tic appliances.

    Publicity revealed how companies tried to juxtapose images of the old and new to highlight that modern technology and the dishes prepared with it were superior.

    Steele company advertisement included an image of a traditional brazier and a big earthenware pot similar to that used to prepare mole Enciclopedia del Hogar The chicken burned because the cook lost track of time as a result of not having a clock, which is what the advertisement is trying to sell. In contrast, a well-groomed woman carried a roasted chicken clearly not cooked in a clay pot, but in an oven and that had to be carved at the table.

    The Westclox advertisement portrayed traditional cooking methods, cooking with charcoal using earthenware pots, and dishes like mole as backward. Although dark-skinned women could not change the color of their skin, they could buy a gas stove, a clock, and the ingredients to roast a chicken.

    They could whiten themselves and join the middle class through con- sumption and their eating patterns. After her success, she and her S. Do not burn a great delicacy! Mercantilist measures based on protectionism were quickly put in place across Europe starting with the ban on 37 Cit.

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    Reproduced by Courtesy of the British Library, Illustration Hat-brim lining. Printed and Painted cotton. Eighteenth century. Victoria and Albert Museum, IS. The only cloths allowed are white cotton cloths such as Guinea cloth, percales and muslin. In England a partial ban was enacted in , followed by a total ban in High duties or a straight- forward ban could facilitate the replacement of Indian products with European substitutes.

    The goods themselves with their visual and tactile attributes unleashed desires that in turn produced attempts to replace them with European-made products. She notices how so many of the commodities initially imported from the East were eventually produced at home. They were partially adapted to suit European tastes and expectations. The debate was particularly intense in England. For a detailed analysis of the legislation on cotton in England see Patrick K.

    The extension of the cotton sphere to include Europe was thus somewhat different from the established system existing within the Indian Ocean for two reasons: first the role of European merchants as examined above; secondly the progressive strengthen- ing and in due course overtaking by Europe as a centre of manufacturing in its own right.

    The new system was not just becoming global. It was also finding a new productive core that increasingly attempted to coordinate the world trade in textiles. It must be borne in mind, however, that import substitution was not the pre- rogative of Europe, let alone Britain.

    India had exported textiles for centuries to other areas of Asia and import-substitution effects were evident in many parts of South-East Asia, in the Arabian Gulf, and in the Ottoman Empire where pro- ducers specialized in imitating Indian cotton cloth and sold it across the empire, in the Balkans, and the Mediterranean. What made Europe distinctive? The Globalization of Cotton Textiles question cannot at present find a satisfactory answer.

    Some historians have explained the nature of the import-substitution process by upgrading it to a full- fledged industrial revolution in which endogenous and exogenous causes of growth marry each other to support the idea of a certain European read Anglo- Saxon exceptionalism.

    Technology, institutions, political hegemony, and control over world markets are some of the general factors characterizing the economic surge of Europe over the century between and I would like to make a case for the existence of a peculiar relationship between import and home-produced commodities.

    As previously observed in this volume, many of the high-quality Indian cotton and silk textiles traded to South-East Asia, but also to Nepal, Thailand, or the Horn of Africa, remained strictly associated with customs based on gifts, rituals, and sometimes—but perhaps not as com- monly as previously thought—religious practices.

    And part of this vision was based on the idea that influences, objects, shapes, materials, and forms not endogenous could be adopted, used, and manipulated. This cultural process also had good allies in Europe both on the manufacturing and the political economy sides. From the point of view of the political arithmeti- cian of the late seventeenth century, the substitution of an imported commodity was the result of an aggressive nationalistic stance in the international economy.

    Bans were only the epiphenomenon of wider processes aimed at curbing spending Giorgio Riello and reducing the timeframe of dependence upon foreign products. This did not necessarily mean the exclusion of all new commodities. There was not just confusion over which was the original product, but also where it passed through. It was in the interest of domestic producers to suggest exotic provenance also for products with a much more local origin.

    This was true for porcelain, chinoiserie, Japanese beds, and many other imports. In the case of cottons, technological improvement meant that copies could be passed off as original products.

    The analysis of the EIC sale of Indian cottons in Britain reveals how the company had a curious combination of proactive business practices.

    So we find that the EIC was careful to commission palampores with motifs suitable for European consumers by sending patterns to India as early as the middle of the seventeenth century. Written documents are seldom so precise, but in this case the physical presence of samples makes the document unique. Florence M.

    The Globalization of Cotton Textiles Illustration Block printed, painted and resist- and mordant-dyed cotton textile called Kalamkari, c. They were especially popular in Persia where consumers could buy both imported and locally produced copies.

    I believe nevertheless that we shall be quite 56 Cit. In turn, this was copied in Europe, as in the case of the mezzari produced in Genoa. John Holker, the Englishman spying on the Lancashire cotton production for the French government, reported in that the commerce of Lancashire-made fustians and mixed linens printed in London was wide across Europe. Hybridity was particularly relevant for design and colours.

    The Indian tech- 57 Cit. Bed Curtain. Plate printed cotton in china blue produced by Nixon and Company, H , W Victoria and Albert Museum, T. We find that the replacement of this product with European- made products meant the learning of the Indian techniques of waxing and tepid Giorgio Riello indigo fermentation by European producers during the last quarter of the sev- enteenth century.

    But by the early eighteenth century they were already exper- imenting with improved techniques, unknown in Asia.

    The most important of these was the use of cold vats obtained by dissolving indigo in iron sulphate. This process, invented in England in , quickly replaced the hot fermenta- tion of indigo and was followed a few years later by the so-called English blue and China blue, the ability of printing in blue, again unknown in India Illustration In just three generations, Europe had effectively superseded its dependence on imported cottons and created a flourishing industry whose economic importance is well known.

    It had used products that were not part of its material culture to catalyse change, spark imagination, promote invention, and foster fashion. By the s, Europe had not just dutifully learned all techniques for fashioning textiles that were totally unknown a century earlier, such as block printing, painting, the use of mordants, reserve, and reverse staying. It had also built on these processes and modified them to produce new products, such as copper-printed textiles, by combining knowledge of dyes and textile printing from Asia with the skills and European aesthetic vocabulary of printing and etching on paper.

    See also Stanley D. But this would have been a rather small achievement if limited to just European con- sumers. The strength of the process of reinvention of cotton textiles in Europe did not rely on its domestic market, but on cotton textiles as a global commod- ity.

    The new manufacturing core could not thrive without selling its products well beyond its borders. The reinvention of cotton textiles was not just for Europe: this was a new commodity to trade in the Atlantic to West Africa, the North American colonies, and Latin America. The importance of finding consumers for European cotton textiles beyond Europe is now seen a necessary condition for the development of the sector. The trade of Asian textiles to Africa had already started in the fourteenth century and followed the same routes of luxuries and semi-luxuries such as beads, copper, Islamic earthenware, and Chinese porcelain.

    See Berg, Luxury and Pleasure, ch. Richards ed. British cotton producers and east India merchants could reap the profits from the African trade only by remaining competitive with other European traders and with direct exports from Asia to Africa.

    The mid-eighteenth-century expansion of the African market enlarged the total number of firms in the industry, making it more competitive. It was also a major incentive for cost-reducing and quality- raising innovations. From the s, Rouen combined the production Cambridge, , These are estimates by the author based on the number of ships trading with the area. See n.

    Indian textiles suffered the disadvantage of indirect trade to the Atlantic, either through Europe or through a series of intermediaries in East and North Africa. Effectively the Atlantic was an area protected from world competition. Even more so was the northern Atlantic area and the British colonies in particular.